Tall Plans vs Common Man
The common man in Pakistan is the cannon fodder of a perverse polity in which all types of anti-democratic vices are prominently practiced. Curiously, there is also this notion, that the common man is the centrepiece or focal point of government policies and programmes. The paradox in this assertion is that common man is everywhere except where his fate is being discussed and decided. He is never on the high table or decision-making bodies. His interests are taunted as the building blocks of governance, yet he is never in government to defend them. How hypocritical!
The Government's Devolution of Power Plan is in operation and may be it is pertinent to reflect on common man's fate. However, it has been a focus of controversy almost since the day it was announced. It is almost certain that the process is going to devolve the power to the same people at the grassroots who already control the destiny of Pakistan to their advantage. The common man, who not only constitutes the majority of the citizens, but also the bulk of voters, would get exploited in the process for legitimizing the new system which may never change his destiny. The questions to be asked are: Is it possible that there is no local government in Pakistan? What has the Local governments brought to the common man? Would the devolution of power bring cheap food to his table? Would he have a roof over his head? Circumferentially, would his life change for the better?
The proponents of devolution of power argue that this programme is based on people's participation in identifying and implementing development projects. This appears to be a noble premise, but so was of People's Work Programme. "Transferring political and social authority to the people" was PPP's 1988 election manifesto as well. Going back in time, common man's aspirations were poorly met in the past democratic and the intervening military regimes, which ironically were applauded while they brought more woes and misery to the common man. Rather than improve the lot of the ordinary people, our treasuries were plundered and the common man left gasping for breath.
So far, the supposed third tier of government, the local government, which is closest to common man is left to the whims and caprices of the second tier, the provincial government, leaving us essentially with the two-tier system of government, namely the Federal and Provincial governments. The end result is that even after implementation of the Devolution of Power plan, the local government councils may not perform meaningfully, because they would remain emasculated. Plans are already underway in political and bureaucratic circles to curtail the perceived powers of the local government. One fails to understand how different the elected councilors in the coming elections would be from the representatives of PPP and Junejo governments, who, too, were elected? Is it possible that representation is being mistaken for participation?
The present government's clamor for devolution of power has presented us with an opportunity to raise some fundamental questions about the meaning of development and democracy and about people's participation in both processes. Many of the ordinary folks in this country, in their life time, will never get to their provincial capitals, how much more of their ever seeing Islamabad. The logic therefore is that, for their standard of living to improve, development must be taken to them in their villages and hamlets in the rural areas. The local government needs to be strengthened, but unless we resolve the above-mentioned issues, our systems of democracy, development administration and resource mobilisation will remain incomplete.
Local government in Pakistan is generally equated with the formal structure of local councils, such as those at the district, union and city or town levels. For the purposes of planning and project implementation, local councils are supported by the staff of the Local Government and Rural Development (LG & RD) Department in each province. There is also a LG & RD federal Ministry. Local councils get their revenues partly from their own income and partly through grants from federal and provincial governments. Their own income is obtained mostly from octroi charges, export taxes, various registration fees, etc.
As it stands, the LG & RD system is incomplete and it would remain so no matter what kind of councilors may take charge of it. It suffers from historical underdevelopment and from being used as a political ploy by other military rulers in the past. Both financially and organizationally, it is functionless tier of the government. The line agencies have usurped almost all the functions of local government. In the new system the councilors would get empowered, but still, the electorate has no mechanism through which it could link up with local councilors or hold them accountable on a day to day basis.
Another fundamental problem with the local government today is that it has no institution at the community level. Thus, the vital link between representative democracy and popular participation is missing and would remain so after implementation of the Devolution of Power Plan. Tinkering with the authorities of the elected representatives and ordinances is no substitute for this missing link: the institutional vacuum at the community level can be filled only by popular participation in government and development.
Democracy has a tradition of both participatory local institutions and representative institutions; we have adopted only the latter. Traditionally, institutions such as Panchayat and Jirga have managed the collective responsibilities of village society. These are traditionally participatory rather than representative institutions. If development is equated with projects and infrastructure, then any approach will do. The representative approach is so pervasive and the process of nomination for elections so entrenched in Pakistan that even the up coming elections will again bring on top of the district administration, same self-centered leadership and their close relatives.
It is important to note that sooner or later, institutions of representative democracy, however imperfect, will be restored. Unfortunately, the institutions of participation do not exist. It would be a great achievement if the military government not only establish them but also make them viable. Besides empowering the local councilors they should be trained in ensuring participation. The institutional strength of the local government lies in the fact most of its responsibilities have been hijacked by provincial and central governments. There is no reason why provision of civic services should be a provincial rather than a local matter in Pakistan. Local government need not be confined to the construction and cleaning of sewerage.
No matter what the government may decide with regard to its tall plans, it must keep in mind that the poor are still suffering. Within the ambit of the common man, such economic indices as bank charges, interest rates, Gross National Product (GNP) and the exchange rate of Rupee, are nothing but "big grammar." Common man's own indices, include the price of food items and petroleum products, cost of transportation, electricity, drinking water, health and educational facilities. Foreign exchange earnings, Devolution of Power, and IMF loans are "Greek" to him. All he wants is a job, some cash in his pocket and a roof over his head, to mention a few. Tall plans only make sense, when these facilities are provided.
No one is advocating a Father-Christmas role for the government, but government must be told that out there, there are millions of ordinary Pakistanis who need food, shelter, health facilities and jobs now, tomorrow may be too late. Painfully what obtains, is strenuous efforts put up by bloated government officials, to explain why common man's aspirations and needs cannot be met. To compound this, common man cannot speak for himself. He is always ignored.
The Chief Executive and his ministers must be told that after 13 months governance, the common man in this country has not seen the dividends their government was supposed to bring. On the contrary, poverty is getting worse; eroding peoples self-esteem. The standard of living has plummeted to abysmal levels. Yet in this same country, there are people, because they are ruling over us, who are exhibiting unimaginable wealth and wastage. They feast every day, living in opulence, owning several mansions and fleet of cars. Clearly, the gap between the rich and poor is getting wider. One wonders whether our economic advisers and experts observe this phenomenon. Can we not reverse this trend? Must the common man continue to suffer?
Perhaps, to hide their shortcomings, the government officials have copiously indulged in advertising of devolution of power, what they flaunt as their achievements through sponsored Radio and Television announcements, and in the print media. Without doubt the best way of applauding government's performance is through the improvement of the quality of life of the common man, and this is still a forlorn hope.
If, as it is said, the taste of the pudding is in the eating, the fate of the ordinary folks in our country is still unchanged.
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